Although by a narrow margin and floating in the most chaotic and banana post-election period in the history of the Federal Republic, Olaf Scholz This weekend undertakes the steep ascent to the Berlin Chancellery. It follows in the wake of Greens and Liberals, parties that have begun negotiations on their own and with much more haste and enthusiasm than the theoretical leader of the ‘stoplight coalition’. No matter how hard his opponent in the elections, the conservative, tries to question him Armin LaschetStill clinging to the arithmetic nail of an alternative coalition, Scholz has won the election.
But even the most successful election campaign ends after the vote counting and must now be grappled with.
the reality of your party. Scholz has won in the center. To convince voters, he spoke as Angela Merkel, she kept her cool like Merkel and even posed joining her hands in diamond geometric balance like Merkel. And it worked. But both the heart of the foundations of the SPD as the structure of the party, which punished Scholz less than two years ago and refused to elect him president, beats much more to the left. That conflict has not been resolved and, sooner or later, it will flare up again. Because if Germany is at a turning point, after the Merkel era, the SPD is also experiencing an unprecedented generational change and a process of severe radicalization, compared to the standards that we have known during the last great coalitions.
In November 2019, the left wing of the SPD won the primaries with 53% of the votes against the candidacy presented by Scholz, Merkel’s vice chancellor and finance minister. By means of a dirty play, the two-headed presidency of Saskia Esken and Norber Walter-Borjans (Nowabo) had replaced the centrist Andrea Nahales.
With her retired a whole generation that viewed with suspicion the veiled rise of Kevin Kühnert, leader of the savages Jusos, the youths of the party. With the SPD anchored at 12% in the polls, they wanted to force Merkel to renegotiate the pact of the grand coalition: toughen measures against climate change, increase the minimum wage and investment in public infrastructure: present, in short, a A front with which to gain relevance and political profile to be able to launch Kühnert as a candidate in 2021. The pandemic, however, forced the plan to be postponed until 2026 and, convinced of losing the elections this time, they appointed Scholz as a candidate, who against everything prognosis was the most voted and now has a completely new party behind it.
Of the 206 SPD deputies in the new Bundestag, 104 new mandate. One in two is under 40 years old and one in four belongs to the Jusos. Many of them have participated in youth protests for climate protection and in demonstrations against restrictions due to the pandemic, which threatened to storm the German Parliament in August last year. In its first photo as a constituted parliamentary group, the safety distance was not kept and only one of the deputies wore a mask, which is still mandatory in Germany in enclosed spaces.
Nailing the SPD flag in the Chancellery will compensate for content concessions in the negotiation, but the parliamentary group retains a significant potential for conflict and Kühnert arrives ready to be noticed. “We, like Jusos, will bring the youth protests that have taken place in front of Parliament to the platform of speakers, to give them a voice,” he said on Twitter, “it is time for the Erasmus generation, digital natives are already in the edifice”.
This group, which does not identify with the political figure of Scholz and carried out an entire internal revolution to end what he represents, now calculates the risk-opportunity of putting the paw in the coalition negotiations to form a government. Some figures are not resigned to remain silent, such as the spokesperson for the Democratic Left Forum (DL), Hilde Matheis, which has called on the negotiators to “overturn the liberal refusal to increase taxes” and which has revealed that negotiations are also taking place between the two Social Democrats.
Until now, the party’s left-wing representatives, such as the leader of the parliamentary group, Rolf Mützenich, or the spokesperson of the largest left-wing association, Matthias MierschThey have mainly made pragmatic speeches in the face of the lamented absence of a coalition alternative with the weakened ‘Die Linke’ party. Miersch, from the ‘Parliamentary Left’ (PL), has indicated “only a red line, and that is the election of Olaf Scholz as federal chancellor.” He suggests defending in the negotiation “important state investments everywhere” and thus saving the honor, leaving room for greens and liberals to succeed in forming a government. And once the legislature starts, not before December, take action. It will be then when we begin to know the hidden face of Olaf Scholz.
In addition to the left wing, there is curiously another social democratic sector that rejoices in the course of events, that of the revolving doors. The former German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, now on the payroll of the Russian Gazprom and Putin’s man in Germany, has celebrated: «For me, there really is only one desirable constellation, which is the semaphore coalition, because it would be an opportunity to renew Germany in a balanced relationship between the economy and The ecology”.
Sigmar Gabriel, who went from the SPD presidency to advising one of the largest European banks, is confident that “a partnership with greens and liberals can overcome the negotiation, if everyone acts with head and not with the stomach, and will provide the party with stability necessary, so that it will be in the best interests of Germany. ‘